Heroes of the Working Class
I’ve always loved the tongue-in-cheek appellation, “Hero of the Working Class,” often applied to evoke humour through irony (like attaching that phrase to James Purnell) or through satirization of the occasional Left tendency to glorify individuals over thinking (*cough* George Galloway).
Probably bearing some relation to this, I’m quite enjoying the shocking spectacle of Labour cabinet ministers listing those people they believe to be “Labour’s greatest heroes.”
The very idea that Ed Balls can honestly pick Aneurin Bevan as the greatest hero of the Labour Party makes me want to cackle insanely. The master of conformity picks the Labour rebel who suffered at the hands of Labourite McCarthyism? Aaagghhahahahahahahaha. Etc. Alright, there’s some resemblance – after all, Bevan’s “Naked into the Conference Chamber” speech to Labour conference did sort of mark his decline in later life.
Nevertheless, Ed Balls – or anyone from this government – choosing one of the architects of the welfare state, however bureaucratic, undemocratic and inefficient the original model, really makes me laugh. It cannot but smack of a ridiculously obvious opportunism, perhaps driven by the desperation of the doldrums into which this government has sunk almost irrevocably. At least Balls feels suitably grubby in appropriating this legacy to allow real NuLabthink to appear.
Bevan never made it to be Labour leader, in part because he put his beliefs before political expediency at key moments in his career – which is, for some romantics, enough of a reason to bestow hero status. But again, he is far from being alone in the history of our party.
What a way to dismiss the traditions of half the Labour Party as ultimately fruitless because they are driven by consistent ideas rather than a willingness to prostitute onesself for power. That is not to denounce compromise – but Balls’ compromise to achieve power is not deal making between people with the same long-term goals. It is an outright firesale of ideals for the sake of banking enough political capital with Right media, business and establishment to acquire personal status.
That is the legacy of New Labour. For this reason, history will forget their unmemorable contributions to the Labour Party, or it will forget the Labour Party itself.
Once more a grim laugh emanates when I read Balls’ words:
That [Bevan] is a hero of our movement is beyond doubt, right up there with Keir Hardie, Clem Attlee, Barbara Castle, Tony Crosland, Neil Kinnock and – yes – Tony Blair too.
That anyone could regard Kinnock as a hero escapes me. His crusade against Party democracy left us vulnerable to the success of the Millbank Tendency. Frankly I’d have preferred the other lot. We might have remained in opposition, but politically I imagine we’d have become a lot stronger, reinforcing the bulwark of the Unions and winning the struggle against the Conservatives and their allies from the ground up. Yet to place Tony Blair in the same sentence amounts to an insult even for Kinnock.
So far in the series, Patricia Hewitt has chosen Barbara Castle, Kenneth O’Morgan has chosen Keir Hardie and David Blunkett has (outrageously) chosen Clement Attlee. Next up, Gordon Brown on Labour’s Greatest Hero, Tony Benn and James Purnell on “Why I Love Karl Marx.”
The very idea that Ed Balls can honestly pick Aneurin Bevan as the greatest hero of the Labour Party makes me want to cackle insanely.
Since the last contemporary Gaitskellites passed or retired from the party ranks, everyone has tried to claim Bevan’s mantle. The classic was John Reid’s announcement that New Labour was the natural heir to Bevanism.
“It is an outright firesale of ideals for the sake of banking enough political capital with Right media, business and establishment to acquire personal status.”
Though this is obviously negative, I feel that it is a price worth paying as an otherwise insurmountable obstacle to Social Democracy. Further, I think that you can compromise your way round it without wholesale abandonment of principle.
On Kinnock, he is certainly a hero to me. In my view Labour’s historical mission is to represent working class politics through parliament. This goes far beyond the propagandist candidacies acceded to by those with revolutionary and extra-parliamentary aims and demands.
Trotskyists should be forced by reformists to stick to trotskyist parties.
This is your problem. Having displaced the working class as the only possible motor for social change, your find yourself at the mercy of the “hegemony” strategy. When your “hegemony” is faced with the arsenal of capitalism, reacting as it inevitably must, it will vanish into the mist and where will socialism be then?
You think you can compromise with the people who are in effect the class enemy because compromise has been enshrined as a cornerstone of your politics. This directly relates to my earlier criticisms on you and on Compass: you want a revolution without the revolution.
Society just doesn’t work that way. Don’t get me wrong, there are plenty of areas of Marxism which require additional clarity – areas that are inadequately addressed by Marx’ political successors such as Trotsky and Lenin – but none of them, including Gramsci, were so deluded, so disillusioned with the structural inscription of the working class at the heart of society as to denounce a revolutionary seizure of power.
Within that seizure, there are many methods and policies to be attended to – but by abolishing the only mechanism by which capitalism can be overcome, we tie our own hands. In fact, worse still, such people become directly counter-revolutionary and Parliamentarism is elevated into a fetish.
So yeah, I think I will stick with my critique of Compass – and yourself by implication – as intellectual masturbators. Certainly not the architects of real change.
“Trotskyists should be forced by reformists to stick to trotskyist parties.”
No wonder you love Kinnockio, mate…
Whatever happened to Labour as a broad church?
Labour as a broad church, for the Party hacks and the Party Right, only extends to those who don’t potentially threaten their control of the Labour Party.