Though Cowards Flinch

In between sessions at Socialism 2009, I took some time to chat to some of the attendees, including a Socialist Party member from the Isle of Wight. I figured a good topic would be the recent campaign around Vestas, where the labour movement tried to intervene to protect the jobs of a bunch of workers who specialize in building parts for wind turbines.

Brother D’s first point was that literally as soon as the occupation of Vestas began, by the factory workers, that the police moved in with barriers and assisted private security in attempting to cut off food. The sheer weight of publicity acquired, however, meant that this was not going to be a workable strategy – people tend to take it amiss when you try and starve workers out.

He was impressed by the way the Socialist Party, the AWL, the local unions and indeed the local Labour Party jumped in feet first, to get leafleting and building support for the workers and for the demonstrations organised to provide some moral support. Though the workers in the plant were not unionised, they quickly became so, being faced with both opposition and support that hinged around the ‘organised labour’ vs. ‘organised bosses’ paradigm.

A permanent camp was established outside the factory, and a broad swathe of opinion mobilised behind the occupying workers.

The local Labour Party supported Vestas, but Brother D thinks that it hindered matters because a) they were marching under a Labour banner, to which not everyone was friendly, and b) they kept demanding negotiation with the government. By all accounts the CLP on the Isle of Wight is fairly left-wing, and was prepared to disagree with the government position. Yet I think the idea of negotiations with this Labour government illuminates some illusions obviously held either in the power of mediatic campaigns, or in the ideology of the government.

A media-orientated campaign was, maintained Brother D, an almost inevitable outcome due to the broadness of the campaign, pulling in people who were not necessarily amenable to more direct solutions, and this acted as a break on the move to support the Vestas workers. None of the groups managed to achieve support for a tactic that might have moved the struggle along.

Interestingly, Brother D suggested that the physical isolation of the most militant workers – those occupying the factory – from the rest of the crowd may have played a role in breaking morale, or preventing the necessary critical mass from building amongst the workers inside and out to try something other than just waiting inside and hoping that the bosses would cave in. Also, following the several demonstrations, a fatigue set in and the familiar malaise of, “what can we really do?” took hold.

Thus, following the sacking of the workers by Vestas, one by one they came out of the factory.

During the dispute, the Tory MP declared that he had intervened on their behalf but ultimately wanted the workers to simply accept the fait accompli that they were being made redundant. The Liberal Democrats were, apparently, completely invisible on the issue. At the very least this demonstrates a clear divide between Labour and the other parties, but doesn’t escape that Labour is still to the Right of demands by workers.

It also demonstrates that, when it comes to a straight-up fight, Tory populism will keep them off pickets and away from workers, and the field will be clear for left-wing radicalisation. Surely proof, if such were needed, about the continuing universality of the working class and the implicit socialist aspect to that class acting in its own interest, with or without acknowledged theoretical leaders.

(See also this excellent interview with one of the Polish workers involved in the occupation).