Home > General Politics, Socialism, Terrible Tories > Will Michael Gove become Britain’s first fascist Prime Minister?

Will Michael Gove become Britain’s first fascist Prime Minister?

In a new essay for the IPPR’s Juncture, Professor Tim Bale bemoans the demise of the Tory left.  That loss, he says, may make the Conservative party unelectable for a long period, given the electorate’s centrist inclinations:

The Conservative party may have dumped Thatcher in 1990 but it did not dump Thatcherism. Indeed, by 1992 it was well on the way to being the almost fully Thatcherite entity it is today……..

Despite the efforts of a few outspoken (and well-resourced) realists like Lord Ashcroft to provide polling evidence for staying on (or at least near) the centre ground, this cannot and will not happen unless there are enough people within the party itself who are willing to make a positive argument for a different kind of Conservatism to that which currently rules the roost. Ideologically, the Tory left would be ideally placed to fulfil that role. Sadly – and possibly fatally for the party’s chances at the next election and beyond – it is nowhere near strong enough to do so.

I think this analysis is profoundly wrong, based as it is on the entirely invalid assumption that the British electorate will always tend to seek the middle ground.  It’s as though Professor Bale was unaware of that electorate’s huge swing to the right in the late 1970s, when it came under the influence of a powerful narrative which combined an appeal to personal freedom with a populist authoritarian streak (Stuart Hall’s 1979 The Great Moving Right Show remains the best analysis of this discursive framing).

This time around, though, it could be much worse.  I say this particularly because, waiting in the wings for the right opportunity, is Michael Gove, and he is a dangerous, dangerous man.  To be blunt, Michael Gove has the hallmarks of a genuine, emergent fascist – the term used in the historical sense rather than the looser pejorative sense used since the second world war.

Whatever we may think of Margaret Thatcher, she was no fascist.  Certainly, she had a strong Tory authoritarian/traditionalist streak, and was no stranger to the abuse of state power in furtherance of her aims (e.g. the miners), but she knew there were limits to this; she bowed to pressure, for example, when the New Left took her on over Council budgets, only to make good on her intentions through legislative means in the form of the Local Government Finance Act 1988.  Intellectually speaking – though she was no intellectual – her heroes Hayek and Friedman were of the libertarian right, where debate about power and the state tends to be uninformed by real world experience, rather than concerned with how such power is most effectively wielded on behalf of an all-encompassing state.

Michael Gove, on the other hand,  looks to be an entirely different beast altogether – one not just operating in far more politically volatile environment than Thatcher, but one who seems more intellectually driven by the radical tenets of fascism than by the traditions of conservatism.

Of course fascism is a contested term, with no single, generally agreed definition.  Nevertheless, it has a number of interwoven operational features which help distinguish it both from authoritarian Toryism and from Thatcherism:

  • The development of a full-blown ‘decadence’ narrative about modern society, the only remedy for which is strong central control of societal behaviour, and the creation of a mythical golden age, in which people led purer, more selfless lives;
  • An overt willingness to use the power of the state to enforce, through misinformation if necessary, a particular view of how people should be required to conduct ‘non-decadent’ lives;
  • The development of a nationalistic corporatism in which all groups in society are expected to play their centrally ordained parts in the delivery of national objectives.
  • An aversion to the uncertainties created by the market, and a willingness to control the economy ‘in the national interest’
  • A disdain for liberal democratic norms and conventions, which are seen as a sign of a state’s weakness rather than strength and confidence in itself.

Looking at Gove’s record, even over recent months, it is not hard to detect these tendencies in both policy substance and ministerial style.

First, and most obviously, there is his announcement (column 654) that there will be a single examining board for each GCSE/EBacc subject:

In each subject area, only one exam board will offer the new exams. The independent exams regulator will assess all the exams put forward by awarding bodies. The winner will be the board that offers the most ambitious course, benchmarked to the world’s best, informed by academic expertise and capable of both recognising exceptional performance and allowing the overwhelming majority of students to have their work recognised and graded fairly.

Stephen Twigg’s somewhat limp reply focused on Gove’s disregard for parliamentary procedure by ‘pre-announcing’ the plans to the media  – a contempt for democratic convention certainly, but hardly the main point even in these same terms, given that the Education Select Committee have recently warned explicitly against a move to a single exam boards system, on the basis that “the costs, heightened risk and disruption likely to be generated by moving to a single board outweigh the potential benefits”(para. 55).  The much bigger issue, though, is that by moving to single exam boards Gove (or his successor when that time comes) will wield much greater state power over what is and is not examined, and therefore taught; the businesses that run the exam boards will have little choice but to comply with, or willingly second-guess, the requirements of the Secretary of State, or risk losing their contract.

Such a process of co-option of business by the state is, as I’ve suggested, the very essence of fascist national corporatism.  It’s also worth noting that it’s not just the opposite of what the more traditional Tories on the Education Select Committee recommend, but also runs counter to Hayekian doctrine on how open competition reduces the innately malign power of the state.

Hayek’s seminal ‘Denationalisation of Money’ (free pdf) argues that true economic efficiency will come when the power to issue currency is no longer the preserve of the state, and private organisations compete with each other to be offer the most trusted medium of exchange.  Take the word ‘currency’ out of this text, and insert the ‘examination’, and you get precisely the argument that was used by the Select Committee for the continuation of exam board plurality.   Gove, however, is having none of this competition stuff in his domain – he has grander priorities than freedom of trade.

As noted, it’s not just the policy, but the style that gives Gove’s true inclination away.  Take, for example the new guidance to parents on the content of the revamped Key Stage 2 (end of primary school) literacy assessment. I happen to have seen this because my 10-year-old, a fine creative writer for his age, is unlucky enough to be the guinea pig for it, and risks therefore having his creativity deliberately stunted this year as the emphasis shifts from excellence in writing and comprehension to circling adverbs and putting inverted commas in the right place.

In a show of utterly pointless strength, the department has indicated that the standard of handwriting will form part of the assessment alongside grammar and punctuation.  No details have yet been given of precisely what is expected, although the tests will take place just after Easter, but in an an increasingly digital age the idea that it is useful to spend educational resources on ensuring children have a uniform approach to how they write and join up letters can have no reasonable justification.   It is being imposed – clearly with difficulty by the department’s experts – as part of Gove’s grand appeal to a halcyon past.  It is a small part of the emerging aesthetic of this new fascism – order at the expense of creativity, pseudo-tradition at the expense of societal modernity and freedom of expression.

Then, of course, there are the very deliberate lies.

I have covered in detail, both at Though Cowards Flinch and in the Financial Times, the lengths Gove, and the Department of Education at his behest (along with his willing stooge at Ofsted), have knowingly told lies about standards of educational attainment in England.  The important point for our purposes here is not so much the lying – after all, he is not the only minister to have been caught out – but the fact that those lies are, strictly in terms of policy objective, unnecessary.

If Gove simply wanted to improve educational standards, he could seek to do so simply on that the basis that this is, of itself, a good thing to do.  If this were not felt sufficient, he could do so on the basis that standards in England have not risen as fast as in some other countries (although the nature of the PISA data he would use does make this debatable).

But Gove wants more than this.  He and his acolytes are desperate to paint a picture of a once proud nation in terminal decline – a nation which can only be saved from further humiliation at the hands of foreigners through strong leadership of the type that only he can afford us.  In fact, as Chris Cook at the FT has clearly evidenced, exam results have most likely got better because teaching and schools began to get much better around a decade ago (though Cook’s insistence that this was due to Academy status is odd).

But this reality is at odds with the Gove narrative of decline, and inconvenient reality is not going to stand in his way.  That is not the way of the fascist.

Gove has all the makings, then, of a genuine full-blown fascist leader.  And he’s good at it.  In parliament, he plays the demagogue well, and  – in stark comparison to Stephen Twigg but also to Cameron and Osborne. His total disdain for the opposition is effected with a solemnity to which Cameron can only aspire. He comes across as a man amongst (over-priveleged) boys; the public recognise and approve of that.  It may be painful reading, but the approving comments he garners below the line on the many internet comment pieces about him do reflect a genuine admiration for his strength of vision, and his determination to carry it through, to the extent that the setbacks he does suffer such as the Building Schools Future debacle, come to be seen as obstacles ably overcome – mere details for this man of vision.

What makes Gove so dangerous, though, is the particular confluence of this raw populist talent and the political circumstances in which his star is now rising so fast.

First and foremost, there is the increasing likelihood that the Conservative party led by Cameron will be defeated in the 2015 general election  If it is defeated it will be for two main reasons: the failure of austerity economics, a policy cul-de-sac in which it has become inextricably trapped, alongside the increasingly pervasive sense of governmental incompetence, itself stoked by the elitist ‘out of touch’ characteristics of its leading politicians (Gove excluded).

Just as importantly for our analysis, though, is the reason s it will not lose the 2015 election.  It will not lose because of its social illiberal policies, or its increasingly hardened approach to the welfare state.   These policies are, and will remain, relatively popular – hence Labour’s (short-termist) aping of many of them.

But if the Conservatives lose, they will be immediately leaderless, and immediately directionless.  The possibility of a move towards a form of Red Toryism in a bid to outflank Labour’s ‘responsible capitalism’  from the left is no longer realistic, if it ever was, but a continuation of straightforward Thatcherite economic policy will also be impossible, given the abject failure to return the UK to growth.   The Conservatives will enter a period of identity crisis greater than that of 1997, and comparable with that of the Edwardian period when, as EHH Green put its in his magisterial study of the period, the party stumbled into tariff reform as its key (electorally disastrous) policy because “it seemed like a good idea at the time”.

Enter Michael Gove: reluctant leader, saviour of the party, prospective saviour of the nation.  I don’t expect to see Gove striding down Whitehall in jackboots soon, but the danger that he will – at least metaphorically – is real enough.

As noted, the socially illiberal policies Gove instinctively favours as an emergent fascist will still be popular, but he will look and feel like a man better able to implement them than Ed Miliband, however tough Ed plays it.  

Moreover, Gove will be unsullied by association with disastrous economic policy – it is no surprise that he wouldn’t be moved from the education brief – and therefore in a position to develop fascistic state economic intervention as a key policy aim;  effectively this may be the development of a quasi- (let us hope) war economy in which, by default, the importance of the national deficit is set to one side in the pursuit of the wider goal of national salvation – we may even see some form of Modern Monetary Theory brought to bear, though it is unlikely to be termed such.

Within the ranks Conservative party itself, Gove will find plenty of willing acolytes to support him in in his reluctant crusade.  The intellectually impoverished members of the Free Enterprise Group, for example, have already shown what good fascists they might make, using their Britannia Unchained publication to go beyond the bog-standard Thatcherite supply side solutions to economic stagnation (making it easy to hire and fire etc.), for an initial taste of the coming war against the decadence of the British workers.  And the leading light amongst these young fascist wannabees, Liz Truss, has not only been snapped us by Gove for his department, perhaps because she already displays – as her recent  ‘research’ on childcare affordability shows – a notable ability to tell bare-faced lies for the greater cause.  This group, and others within the 2010, will become willing and easy converts to the Gove cause, in the absence of continued Thatcherite leadership within the party.

In such circumstances, it is easy to conceive of a Labour party, which has as yet failed to come up with a genuinely socialist alternative to capitalist crisis management and remains stuck in the (by then) long decade of stagnation, relinquishing power to a suddenly vibrant – but very different – Conservative party led by Gove, in loose alliance with a number of European states experiencing the same trend.  Just as the US Republican party in crisis now seeks salvation in ‘tea party’ politics, in its desperation to fall back on the original dream of American frontiership and self-sufficiency, so may European right-wing parties be tempted to fall back on the old certainties of fascistic government; the old saying that, under Mussolini, at least the trains ran on time, still holds some sway in the popular imagination.

The Labour hierarchy and its opinion formers, at least as yet, see nothing of this.  Those who care about the rise of extremist politics in Britain seem entirely focused on parties and groupings beyond the current mainstream, unable or unwilling to recognise that effective extremism is much more likely to emanate from within the mainstream, given the current political conditions

They forget too easily, perhaps, that 1930s British fascism emanated, at least in part, from within a directionless Labour party. Labour would do well to heed the warnings of its own history, and set about creating a set of policies and institutions which, come what I hope is victory in 2015, will be enough to keep a new, very different, very dangerous Conservative party at bay.  A call for the watering down of capitalism, alongside a Tory-lite attack on our ‘something-for-nothing’ benefits system, is unlikely to be sufficient; Gove can do all that with a lot more panache.

  1. September 26, 2012 at 6:43 pm

    I am going to reblog this. I haven’t been blogging over the summer, but yes people need to start thinking clearly about what is, because teh threats that are coming into view are deeply unpleasant. I appreciate much of this is analogy, but I think the death of the centre position is a very vulnerable time. Blue Labour in its structure and approach bore a striking resemblance to fascism, I agree with what you say about the Tory left also, this would be a moment designed for them. What we have is a political vacuum in very dangerous circumstances.

  2. September 26, 2012 at 8:06 pm

    Paul, this is a fascinating post and you make many wise and illuminating comments. You make a powerful case for why we should be very scared.

    But I will not be alone in taking issue with your use if the word fascist. The bullet points you set out are not those used by most scholars of fascism for example. Most of them are true of much of traditional conservatism. In fact, apart from the last, they are more or less true of Gordon brown.

    I don’t think Gove’s disdain for liberal democracy is so profound as you suggest. No deeper than Thatcher’s, or even Blair’s.

    So, I’d put your title in the #QTWTAIN category.

  3. Richard
    September 26, 2012 at 9:21 pm

    Paul, Chris Skidmore has been a Gove mini-me since his days working for him at CCHQ.

  4. BigDave
    September 27, 2012 at 2:20 am

    In normal times Paul, I might diagnose paranoia. But, clearly, these are not normal times. Nevertheless, I am loathe to ascribe your implied gravitas to Gove. He really is a shallow little toe rag, as any perusal of his so-called ‘critical’ contributions to “The Late Show”, will ably attest. He can never occupy a “Strong Man” role. Can’t even see him fulfilling a Keith Joseph role.

  5. September 27, 2012 at 2:56 am


    I admire most of what you write but this piece is way OTT – fascism is not just an insult but a political term which has real (if somewhat disputed) meaning,

    And even if you accept your 4 bullet points as an adequate definition of fascism (which I don’t) where is your evidence for 3:

    ‘An aversion to the uncertainties created by the market, and a willingness to control the economy ‘in the national interest’’

    Such dirigiste beliefs are clearly incompatible with being a Tory minister and I’ve never seen the slightest indication that Gove’s love of the free market is any less fanatical than that of his fellows.

    And there is all the difference in the world between the totalitarian gleichschaltung which characterises fascist corporatism and the cosy pork barrelling partnerships Gove and other Tory ministers are establishing with his party’s corporate paymasters (and which actually are no different in most respects than those under New Labour).

    But you are now a certainty for John Rentoul’s QTWTAIN column….

  6. September 27, 2012 at 10:27 am

    A deranged article, with an even less plausible headline.

  7. September 27, 2012 at 10:28 am

    You do realise you just defined every continental European education ministry as fascist? France doesn’t have exam boards, everything just gets handed down from the ministry. Even teachers are assigned to schools centrally. But I don’t think France is a fascist state, and I don’t think you do either.

    Also, where’s the evidence that Gove (Gove!) is at all charismatic or popular? I can think of thirty people better looking around my local pub.

    I do think his foreign policy views are insane, though.

  8. September 27, 2012 at 10:39 am

    The weird thing is those bullet points are how I might have described the left within the Labour party in the 1980’s. I wouldn’t any more, mind.

  9. September 27, 2012 at 11:31 am

    Interesting take, and one not too dissimilar to my own dystopian vision.

    A few factors to take into account:

    1) The EU and the likely break-up of the UK

    The Tories, regardless of shade, are pretty much wedded to the idea of leaving the EU and any majority Tory administration would do this as their first act. The Murdoch-Desmond-Northcliffe-Telegraph Atlantacist media axis have been building up the population to this for so long that I simply cannot see this being avoided and withdrawl of the UK from the EU is now a question of if and not when. Doing so would be catastrophic from the point of view of the already feeble British capitalist state, and would precipitate a far more disastrous recession than the current blips we are experiencing – and would almost certainly drive Scottish and possibly even Welsh independence. This, in turn, would push the Tories (or whatever government) in the new Kingdom of England – drowning in the desert of isolation – to have to radically alter their supposedly liberal economic politics to keep order.

    2) The Monarchy

    We’ve had a nice PR job done on us in the past few years by the Tories on the future of the monarchy, and most people in England now love William and Kate and can’t get enough of them. The Monarchy has always been the Plan B for the establishment and it’s no co-incidence the cops and military swear their oaths to Her Maj and not to the government or the people. Should a fascist government rise, it will need to do so with the full support, and possibly even overall control, of the monarchy. I feel William and Harry are now groomed for that job with their ongoing militarism. It would make the English feel far better about being a fascist country if their King is telling them everything is OK and he’s going to run it.

    3) The big lie that business will save us all.

    The current Tory right are not politically fascist in nature – even though the likes of Aidan Burley ape the populism of fascist ideology. they are, in fact, extreme neoliberals. In spite of having the worst employment rights in the developed world, these bastards are managing to unravel our last remaining rights even further in the utterly unfounded claim that we need to be easier to fire in order to be easier to hire. Of course, no more jobs are being created as a result of this and we are becoming the most enslaved nation within the post-industrial world in terms of employment. Meanwhile the nonsensical idea that if everyone only set themselves up as a small business we would all be saved is rapidly losing any and all credibility as more and more people go freelance and realise the work just aint out there for them.

    This is going to hit home hard with the likes of Burley and his gang like Patel, Raab and co who, as unprincipled and populist as they are, will change their spots as soon as people realise business is not going to save the day and will adopt more and more extreme hang-and-flog outright fascist solutions to the problems we face, and they’ll get voted in by the lumpen Essex/Kent populace to do so.

    So, yes, I can definitely see a fascist independent England. But I can’t see it led by Gove. And it may not be led by the Tories at all.

    Gove, lest we forget, was a one-time NUJ strike leader and every time he opens his gob too wide about anything outside of education policy, the papers dredge up his picket-line past. It will be hard to shake off his past as a militant trade unionist, in the lionised private sector no less. Similarly he remained an NUJ member, up until recently, and only left because of his opposition to the unions stance over Israel/Palestine – not the ideas of trade unionism per se.

    Gove is also universally loathed by most young people. We need to have a bit more faith in our youth. Ultimately it is they, and not we, who will make decisions on how the country will fare in the future. My impression of most young people is, unlike the media horror stories, that most are bright and happy, despite being handed the most appalling economic legacy. With the Tory voters dying out (good riddance you bitter old bastards!) and the emergence of UKIP as a solid 10% vote, I would like to think the youth will reject the Conservatives and most polls seem to show this is now definitely happening.

    Either way, unless the Labour party actually creates a solid counter-position to austerity, finance capital, stockmarkets and entrepreneur worship. we are going to remain fucked and on the road to fascism any way. It is clear the West and East are heading towards a (hopefully managed) World War of sorts over Syria/Iran/North Korea/tiny islands off Japan to distract us all from the failure of monetarism. What better conditions for fascism to grow?

  10. September 27, 2012 at 1:11 pm

    Alex is right to bring up Gove’s utter lack of charisma – although as you can almost certainly find 30 better looking people than Mussolini, Hitler or Putin (who I’d argue is the nearest we can now get to fascism in a world of globalised plutocracy) in your pub as well he does need to refine his definition of ‘charismatic’,

    And you really can’t have fascism without a charismatic leader in the Weberian sense (I don’t BTW regard authoritarian conservative military dictators like Pinochet and Franco as in any useful theoretical – as opposed to propaganda – sense ‘fascist’).

    Plus Gove can’t possibly be our first fascist dictator as Boris Johnson has already been cast for that role and is impatiently waiting in the wings.

    A ridiculous idea? – yes – but if fascism ever comes to Britain it almost certainly will need to be wearing full clown make-up.

  11. September 27, 2012 at 1:24 pm

    I do however agree with your final paragraph on Labour’s utter directionlessness which has already catapulted one ex-Labour demagogue who IMO ticks more fascist boxes than Gove back into Parliament,

    But even there you must be the first person whose ever had occasion to use the words ‘panache’ and ‘Gove’ in the same sentence – having recently rewatched the wonderful Cyrano de Bergerac film with Gerard Depardieu have a pretty good idea of what panache means and I genuinely can’t see even the tiniest iota of that quality in Michael Gove.

  12. September 27, 2012 at 1:32 pm

    And re Alex’s comment does France really still have that legendarily hyper-centralised school system where the minister of education in Paris can look at a file and tell you exactly what any pupil in the country is being taught at any time of the day?

    I thought that Mitterand, Chirac and Sarkozy had all attempted reforms which surely must have had some effect in decentralising the system?

    • September 27, 2012 at 2:11 pm

      yes. fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ministère_de_l’Éducation_nationale#Organisation

      it’s not quite as ministerial as it was, but among other things, the directorate-general of schools still does actually assign teachers to one-classroom primary schools in the mountains.

  13. paulinlancs
    September 28, 2012 at 10:45 am

    Thaks for replies, all. Things have got away from me response-wise, so I’m going to do it all in a follow up post called ‘What’s a rabid Tory and what’s a subtle fascist’ of something, with additional Kafka thrown in.

    Suffice to say you all (well all bar one) make a lot of sense in your initial responses suggesting I’m OTT/QWTAIN-y, and I concede some ground around that, but I think there are important points to make about distinguishing a potentially much darker period for the Tories post-2015, whether or not we call it fascism (and I think on balance I think that’s still valid if not vital), from the current ideoliogical state of the Tory right. Oh, and I also take the point about France (Alex’s to begin with) but I think the issue is one of direction of travel….

    more later when I’ve spreadsheeted social enterprises, I promise, and sorry for being rubbish and impolite when it comes to responses to stuff you’ve all been kind enough to spend time on. The honest truth is that my brain doesn’t work quickly enough to issue instant rebuttals/clafications – I’m v different from my ex blog comrade Dave Semple in that respect, to my chagrin

  14. paulinlancs
    September 28, 2012 at 10:48 am

    Oh, and Jon Cruddas appears to agree quite a lot, if you get rid of some of his superfluous ‘national patriotic pride is Labour’s gig junk. http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2012/sep/27/britannia-unchained-global-lessons-review He’s almost certainly been reading TCF?

  15. Edgar
    September 30, 2012 at 1:46 pm

    The only thing I found unreasonable about this article was the idea of Gove as Prime Minister. Surely this Muppet is even more unelectable than Ed Milband?

  16. September 30, 2012 at 7:47 pm

    Now this is what I call polemic. Love it.

  17. mindfulman2
    October 2, 2013 at 8:11 pm

    I recall the trots from the early eighties claiming we were heading for a Bonapartist dictatorship under Thatcher, seems just as ludicrously far fetched to conceive of this eton cabal- who can only cling to power thanks to a creaking coalition- forming a fascist government under the leadership of mein fuhrer, the effete Michael Gove-(you’ll be talking Gove-Fromage next- shiny metaphorical jackboots darling? aka Mel Brooks.
    What is of concern though is the failure of the so called left to promote a viable alternative-since they still genuflect to the market-as opposed to an understanding of the labour theory of value-the world has been standing on its head a long time, Michael Gove and his ilk simply reflect this in their distorted views of the nature of reality. By the way I was hoping Will Self was going to get into fisticuffs with Gove last week as he really does need a sound old fashioned spanking-you know like from his fagging days or are they just another lost part of this once great nation.

  18. Scott
    March 14, 2014 at 11:49 am

    I think Gove is far too pompous and Hooray Henry to be electable, or at least that is how many of the electorate will view him. However, the narrowing of education and people blaming those on the dole for being on the dole, even in a recession is a dangerous path for a country to go down. The real danger for the UK is a situation whereby the Tories gain a majority based upon a minority of the vote and we have seen this through their attempt to gerrymander the parliamentary seats, further there is also the prospect of a UK without a Scotland and its Labour voting constituencies. If the latter scenario does not happen this time around, then it may happen in the future.

    • guthrie
      March 15, 2014 at 2:11 pm

      I can see potential for a fall in the vote, simply because new labour don’t offer sufficent differences to the tories, and lib dem voters might just stay at home because of feeling betrayed.

  1. September 30, 2012 at 2:36 pm
  2. October 3, 2012 at 10:28 pm
  3. November 2, 2012 at 11:21 am
  4. December 3, 2012 at 11:13 am
  5. December 23, 2012 at 12:02 pm
  6. January 6, 2013 at 1:14 pm
  7. January 23, 2013 at 11:46 am
  8. February 7, 2013 at 1:06 am
  9. February 19, 2013 at 11:54 am
  10. May 13, 2013 at 2:45 pm
  11. January 26, 2014 at 10:48 pm

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